Numerele anterioare2, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71,
Assessing two years of mandate
Dan BARBUTwo years into Traian Băsescu’s term in office as President of Romania, we draw the line and try to assess his political performance. Many criticise President Traian Băsescu as being a politician without a political project. Although he did launch many themes in the political arena, most of them either faded without securing him any image gains, or threaten to backfire at their initiator. Whether it is the fight against corruption, the “file craze,” the denunciation of communism or the energy market, each of them is rather questionable and seems not very convincing.
Fighting high-level corruption. Adrian Năstase, Dinu Patriciu and…that’s it It started out vigorously, but it died away. It’s the investigation and trial of high-level corruption cases. Case-files such as Zambaccian, involving Adrian Năstase, or Rompetrol, involving Dinu Patriciu, have reached judges’ desks. But they are so intricate and the two have so good attorneys that the trials will certainly take years to complete. In exchange, it is under Traian Băsescu that the “TV-justice” concept took shape. Virtually every day we have information, we see on TV or read in newspapers about hearings in the Prosecutor’s Office or the DNA. Industry moguls and high-profile politicians visited the two institutions, as witnesses or even defendants. But that’s about all. There have been no sentences, but there is this prevailing distrust in prosecutors and judges’ work. The next logical step is to claim that some of these files also have political connotations. Why Adrian Năstase? Why Dinu Patriciu? Adrian Năstase was a prime minister, is a major Opposition leader and might have remained a tough opponent for Traian Băsescu, as he was in 2004. Moreover, Adrian Năstase is the perfect victim of “TV-justice.” The attack against Dinu Patriciu is based on mostly economic motives, although the political aspect should not be overlooked. Patriciu has been and will remain the one running PNL from the shadow, and PNL is the political party which rejected the PD merger and launched countless attacks against President Traian Băsescu. Although one of his winning electoral campaign slogans was “let’s burn the corrupt,” Traian Băsescu risks turning the fight against corruption into a mere political vendetta. The “file craze” and disputes between the “good” and “bad” Securitate people In 2006, President Traian Băsescu took the risk of launching the so-called “file craze.” First he mediated the scandal triggered by Corneliu Turianu’s appointment as CNSAS chief. A compromise was reached: Claudiu Secașiu. Also worth noting is that, in the context of the new CNSAS Board leader appointment, Traian Băsescu was booed for the first time since he took over the presidential mandate. On the other hand, the start of the “file craze” entailed the transfer by intelligence services of a substantial number of Securitate files. More or less objectively picked, three resonant names of the political life, Dan Voiculescu, Mona Muscă, Rodica Stănoiu were on the list of those found to have collaborated with the communist political police. There have also been attempts at bringing the President’s name into the political game of Securitate files. But he managed to foil attacks, using a sentence that will probably remain in history: “Give me the file and I will make it public.” The whole “file craze” debate was not without sideslips. One of them is the argument, more or less deliberately initiated and promoted, of whether there were “good Securitate people” and “bad Securitate people.” Under these circumstances, we find it hard to believe that out of hundreds of thousand files, only two or three important politicians were involved in political policing. For this reason, the “file craze” may also be regarded as a tool used in the political battle. Denunciation of communism – more objections than appreciation Without doubt, when Traian Băsescu decided to set up a presidential committee to publish a scientific report on whose basis communism would be denounced, he figured this could be one of the political projects he may take pride in. But what happened next gave rise to a genuine political war. President Traian Băsescu was booed in Parliament, and the report denouncing communism is heavily criticised even by historians and experts. Further, political opponents criticised President Traian Băsescu’s duplicity in officially denouncing communism while at the same time claiming that a lustration act was useless at the moment. Basically, as a political project specially tailored to win the President more points, the communism denunciation only divided the political class and civil society. Energy market – a double-edged sword for Traian Băsescu While over a year ago the Head of State was talking about the “smart boys” in the energy market, towards the end of 2006 things started to happen. The Petrom privatisation contract was declassified. Shortly after, inspection procedures were initiated, which resulted in the launch of criminal investigations into two ministers of the Tăriceanu Cabinet and the arrest of several energy market brokers. The so-called “Privatisation case-file” was put together. Although at first sight it seemed prosecutors had made a sound case, with serious charges of espionage, treason or undermining of the national economy, the affair is now losing its impetus, as it happened with many other important criminal case-files. Suspects are being released, and we might see charges against defendants being changed. Two are the major risks incurred for President Traian Băsescu’s image over the energy market issue. First, as long as gas, fuel and electricity prices continue to increase, which is quite likely, the initiative to declassify energy contracts will fail to yield the expected results. Second, the “Privatisation case-file” in its current form risks being included in the “TV-justice” concept that prevailed in much of Traian Băsescu’s presidential term in office. War between Palaces at its peak Although President Traian Băsescu would not admit that a dispute existed between Cotroceni Palace and Victoria Palace, the facts proved the opposite. The most important of them is Traian Băsescu’s confessing that he regrets having appointed Călin Popescu Tăriceanu as prime minister. This made the two dignitaries’ split-up official, with an impact on the relationship between PNL and PD. It was one political project alone that Traian Băsescu failed to put into practice: the early elections. By all appearances, early elections are unlikely in 2007 as well, for at least two reasons: this is a pre-electoral year, and the procedure is hard to initiate in constitutional terms. Another political project Traian Băsescu will try to apply is to oust Călin Popescu Tăriceanu as Head of Government. But one should not overlook Premier Tăriceanu’s proven political stamina, which at times surprised Traian Băsescu himself. Two years after his election as President of Romania, Traian Băsescu acted on his promise: he was a “player-president.” He played on more than one front, but he got himself even more enemies. The key risk facing Traian Băsescu in 2007 is that he may find himself isolated in the political arena. By Dan BARBU
Publicat în : English de la numărul 45
Revolutia din decembrie 89: Pacatul originar, sacrificiul fondator este prima carte dintr-o serie de sapte volume dedicate ultimelor doua decenii din istoria României. Nu am pretentia ca sunt detinatorul unui adevar politic, juridic sau istoric incontestabil, si sunt gata sa discut si sa accept orice documente, fapte sau marturii care pot lumina mai bine sau chiar altfel realitatea. Educatia mea stiintifica si religioasa m-a ajutat sa cercetez faptele în mod obiectiv, eliberat de ura sau intoleranta. Recunosc însa o anume încrâncenare în ceea ce am scris venita din durerea unui om care a trait în miezul evenimentelor si se simte lovit de acceptarea cinica a crimelor, abuzurilor, coruptiei si minciunii, sau de indiferenta la fel de cinica cu care sunt înca privite de catre o mare parte a societatii românesti.... Am scris aceste carti de pe pozitia victimelor mintite sau speriate, care nu-si cunosc sau nu-si pot apara drepturile. Le-am scris de pe pozitia milioanelor de români cinstiti care cred în adevar, în dreptate si în demnitate. Emil Constantinescu (text preluat din Introducerea cartii).
MINTEA CEA SOCOTITOARE
de academician Mircea Malita, Editura Academiei Române, 2009 În volumul de eseuri Mintea cea socotitoare, aparut la Editura Academiei Române, acad. Mircea Malita formuleaza în crescendo o serie de întrebari grave ale timpului nostru: Daca omul este rational, de ce se fac atâtea greseli în economie
sau în politica?; Daca rationalitatea nu e de ajuns, care ar fi rolul întelepciunii?; Din viitorul imprevizibil putem smulge portiuni, daca nu certe, cel putin probabile?; Ce si cum învatam pregatindu-ne pentru viitorul nostru?; Este în stare omenirea sa îsi vindece crizele?; Ne asteapta oare un dezastru final? s.a. De-a lungul anilor, acad. Mircea Malita a staruit asupra acestor teme în lucrari recunoscute, însa acum o face raportându-se la dinamica realitatii imediate, inspirat de cuvintele lui Dimitrie Cantemir: socoteala mintii mele, lumina dinlauntrul capului. Eseurile sunt structurate pe patru parti - Mintea senina, Metaforele mintii, Mintea învolburata si Privind înainte. Finalul este de un optimism lucid care tine seama de potentialul de rationalitate si imaginatie al mintii umane si, fireste, de generatiile tinere care îl pot valoriza benefic.
Această carte de poezie este seismograful de mare sensibilitate care înregistrează cele două întâlniri ale sufletului, deopotrivă cu URÂTUL care ne schilodește ca ființă, ca neam, dar și cu FRUMUSEȚEA sufletească nepoluată ce stă ca o fântână cu apă curată pe un câmp plin cu peturi și gunoaie nedegradabile. Ce poate fi mai dureros decât să surprinzi această fibră distrusă de aluviunile istorice încărcate de lașități, inerții, apatii, compromisuri devenite congenitale ale românului? Vibrația versurilor, directețea lor, simplitatea dusă până în marginea cotidianului paradoxal n-au efect distructiv asupra tonusului moral al cititorului, ci produc neliniștea cea bună, cum ar spune Sfinții Părinți. Citești în revolta și durerea poetei un mănunchi admirabil de calități: o demnitate neînfrântă, o fiziologie a verticalității și, mai ales, o inimă creștină, o inimă din ceruri, cum ar spune poetul latin. Căci, în această inimă din ceruri, există lacrimi deopotrivă pentru românul umilit, distrus până și-n visele lui, dar și pentru copilul din Gaza, cu sufletul și trupul chircite sub șenilele tancurilor unui război ce tinde să devină mai lung decât viața lui, ale unui război-viață, lacrimi pentru copilul evreu ce nu a putut fi salvat de la deportarea bestială, lacrimi pentru Tibetul sfâșiat. Și toate acestea fără impostura unui ecumenism sentimental, ci izvorâte din acel suspin curat românesc ce face esența lacrimii creștine. (Dan Puric)
ISLAMUL SI SOARTA LUMII - Fundamentalismul islamic ca ideologie politica de Virginia Mircea "Islamul si soarta lumii - Fundamendamentalismul ca ideologie politca invita la o reflectie mai adanca asupra porceselor lumii contemporane. Judecata critica si independenta a autoarei a produs o lucrare de o veritabila investigatie stiintifica, exact la momentul in care tema tratata deseori fara solutii si perspective ocupa scena din fata a politicii si problemelor mondiale. Cititorii o pot aseza cu satisfactie in bliblioteca lor de referinta. Vor fi mult ajutati in intelegerea evenimentelor care ne sesizeaza in prezent si intr-un viitor in care tema nu se va desprinde de mersul lumii contemporane." (academician Mircea Malita)