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The coallition against Băsescu
Arthur SUCIUThe note scandal brought about two novelties for Romania’s political life of the past two years: President Traian Băsescu was cornered, and PSD came into the spotlight as the main Opposition force. The image impact on the President was notable, particularly as his choices, indeed his mistakes, were surprising.
Traian Băsescu relied on the consistency of the efects his own behaviour had on the others. The Head of State had been accustomed to attacking, without his opponents being able to reply adequately and convincingly. But Premier Tăriceanu’s reaction, first, and PSD’s reaction later on revealed a major change in their position as to the President. One can safely state that from now on Traian Băsescu’s mission will be a lot more difficult. Which comes as no surprise, considering that in the meantime several variables of the political context had changed. First, the EU accession constraints were removed. Since January 1, 2007 the Government has no longer been bound to ensure at all costs the political stability needed for the attainment of a pressing and critical objective. This relaxation allowed the more or less latent conflicts between political forces to burst out and, more importantly, to proliferate beyond control. Leaving Traian Băsescu’s penchant for scandal aside, the current political system is facing severe operation problems, which have deepened over the past 17 years and which are now bound to surface. Second, in late 2006 and early 2007 we witnessed interesting reposition moves by PNL and PSD, with which President Băsescu has had an adversarial relationship over the past two years. The Liberals have firmly taken a distance from Stolojan’s followers, reconfirmed Călin Popescu Tăriceanu as party president and conveyed an unambiguous anti-Băsescu message in their congress. Roughly the same happened in the PSD convention. Mircea Geoană was re-elected for a four-year mandate, and Ion Iliescu resumed a senior party position. This latter move signalled that PSD had no intention to give up the dominant party status it held in the post-1989 period. Iliescu’s comeback, on the other hand, can be explained by the regression generated by tensions between Băsescu and Tăriceanu. Just as Năstase’s fall in early 2006 triggered conflicting relations within the Alliance, Iliescu’s return is the effect of these deepening conflicts. The part played by Năstase in 2005, as Băsescu’s opponent, has been taken over by old-hand Iliescu. The temptation But Traian Băsescu’s mistake is not only in his positioning as to PNL and PSD. The President acted against his own political “instinct” when giving in to Elenei Udrea’s temptation to publish the note sent by Călin Popescu Tăriceanu. While most analysts believe the scandal was schemed in Cotroceni, Băsescu’s atypical reaction indicates that the scenario had an entirely different source, and that the Head of State only went with the flow. In the famous “Sinteza zilei” show on Antena 3, Elena Udrea used the note in order to elicit a reaction to certain attacks launched against her by the Liberals (the RAAPPS affair). Unable to solve her own problems, she tried to transfer the conflict to a higher—indeed the highest—level. Therefore it was not the media, as Gabriel Liiceanu suggested trying to defend Băsescu, but Elena Udrea which made it all burst out. The regression to Iliescu Traian Băsescu answered the request to publish the note rather late and unconvincingly, which proves he was not certain he was doing the right thing. However, the novelty in this scandal was by far not the note contents, but Tăriceanu’s counter-attack. The PNL president immediately made public statements to prevent the formation of a dominant opinion trend against. He was neither vehement, nor compelling, yet unexpectedly enough he launched a direct attack against Traian Băsescu. Which caught the Head of State on the wrong foot, as he had completely overlooked Tăriceanu’s obvious change after January 1, 2007. Beyond his personal decision to finally fight back, the Premier was forced to take this attitude by the outcome of the PNL congress. More than ever before, Băsescu’s attack had targeted the Liberal president and implicitly PNL. Obviously, Tăriceanu’s reply could not help. On the contrary, it made things worse, with PNL and PD on the verge of breaking up for good. Moreover, whereas over the past two years the Premier, subject to the President’s recurrent criticism, had been spared by the other parties, his reaction managed to radicalise opposition against the Alliance as a whole. The scandal percolated the entire political system, inevitably reaching Ion Iliescu. His energetic comeback is a decisive moment for the current political life. “Differently” For the first time since the 2004 elections, PSD acted like a genuine Opposition party, launching the impeachment procedure and threatening a motion of no confidence against the Government. This step of PSD could not have been possible without the excessive media coverage of the note scandal. But it was Traian Băsescu who consolidated the Social Democrats’ option, through yet another mistake: the attack against Ion Iliescu on TVR. The anti-Iliescu position had been suggested by Gabriel Liiceanu — in a Realitatea TV talk show titled “Altfel” (“differently”) — at a time when the President was rather confused. Although the position as such is not entirely incorrect, the timing of the attack against Iliescu is wrong. The public expected Traian Băsescu to settle problems in the D.A. Alliance, rather than to point an accusing finger at some other person or party. But the Head of State tried to avoid the presentation of the serious condition of the Alliance, bringing back to the forefront Iliescu’s questionable past and trying to blame everything on it. Băsescu’s statements thus reassigned the former head of state the attributes of a privileged opponent of right-wing parties and of PD, in other words they breathed new life into Ion Iliescu (the old schema of Petre Roman’s removal as head of government during the 1991 miners’ riot). Thus, PSD returns as the main opponent of Traian Băsescu and of PD, in the infamous war of the FSN “schism” (1991), while PNL may take a distance from this local left-wing conflict. The return to an anti-Iliescu position may question the legitimacy of PD’s doctrine shift and may thus re-launch PNL as a legitimate right-wing party. The proposal to cooperate in impeaching Traian Băsescu, as made by PSD to PNL, is precisely aimed at reinstating the political spectrum: the right for PNL, and the left for PSD, whereas PD emerges as an unwelcome centre party. At the moment, Traian Băsescu has made a risky choice, a single-handed battle against both PSD and PNL. Those two are helped by the PC and PRM in an ad-hoc coallition against Băsescu, between parties so different one from each other, but unite by a common goal: to overthrone Băsescu. We shall see what will come of it. What we can say for now is that preparations are being made for an “all-out war.”
Publicat în : English de la numărul 45
Revolutia din decembrie 89: Pacatul originar, sacrificiul fondator este prima carte dintr-o serie de sapte volume dedicate ultimelor doua decenii din istoria României. Nu am pretentia ca sunt detinatorul unui adevar politic, juridic sau istoric incontestabil, si sunt gata sa discut si sa accept orice documente, fapte sau marturii care pot lumina mai bine sau chiar altfel realitatea. Educatia mea stiintifica si religioasa m-a ajutat sa cercetez faptele în mod obiectiv, eliberat de ura sau intoleranta. Recunosc însa o anume încrâncenare în ceea ce am scris venita din durerea unui om care a trait în miezul evenimentelor si se simte lovit de acceptarea cinica a crimelor, abuzurilor, coruptiei si minciunii, sau de indiferenta la fel de cinica cu care sunt înca privite de catre o mare parte a societatii românesti.... Am scris aceste carti de pe pozitia victimelor mintite sau speriate, care nu-si cunosc sau nu-si pot apara drepturile. Le-am scris de pe pozitia milioanelor de români cinstiti care cred în adevar, în dreptate si în demnitate. Emil Constantinescu (text preluat din Introducerea cartii).
MINTEA CEA SOCOTITOARE
de academician Mircea Malita, Editura Academiei Române, 2009 În volumul de eseuri Mintea cea socotitoare, aparut la Editura Academiei Române, acad. Mircea Malita formuleaza în crescendo o serie de întrebari grave ale timpului nostru: Daca omul este rational, de ce se fac atâtea greseli în economie
sau în politica?; Daca rationalitatea nu e de ajuns, care ar fi rolul întelepciunii?; Din viitorul imprevizibil putem smulge portiuni, daca nu certe, cel putin probabile?; Ce si cum învatam pregatindu-ne pentru viitorul nostru?; Este în stare omenirea sa îsi vindece crizele?; Ne asteapta oare un dezastru final? s.a. De-a lungul anilor, acad. Mircea Malita a staruit asupra acestor teme în lucrari recunoscute, însa acum o face raportându-se la dinamica realitatii imediate, inspirat de cuvintele lui Dimitrie Cantemir: socoteala mintii mele, lumina dinlauntrul capului. Eseurile sunt structurate pe patru parti - Mintea senina, Metaforele mintii, Mintea învolburata si Privind înainte. Finalul este de un optimism lucid care tine seama de potentialul de rationalitate si imaginatie al mintii umane si, fireste, de generatiile tinere care îl pot valoriza benefic.
Această carte de poezie este seismograful de mare sensibilitate care înregistrează cele două întâlniri ale sufletului, deopotrivă cu URÂTUL care ne schilodește ca ființă, ca neam, dar și cu FRUMUSEȚEA sufletească nepoluată ce stă ca o fântână cu apă curată pe un câmp plin cu peturi și gunoaie nedegradabile. Ce poate fi mai dureros decât să surprinzi această fibră distrusă de aluviunile istorice încărcate de lașități, inerții, apatii, compromisuri devenite congenitale ale românului? Vibrația versurilor, directețea lor, simplitatea dusă până în marginea cotidianului paradoxal n-au efect distructiv asupra tonusului moral al cititorului, ci produc neliniștea cea bună, cum ar spune Sfinții Părinți. Citești în revolta și durerea poetei un mănunchi admirabil de calități: o demnitate neînfrântă, o fiziologie a verticalității și, mai ales, o inimă creștină, o inimă din ceruri, cum ar spune poetul latin. Căci, în această inimă din ceruri, există lacrimi deopotrivă pentru românul umilit, distrus până și-n visele lui, dar și pentru copilul din Gaza, cu sufletul și trupul chircite sub șenilele tancurilor unui război ce tinde să devină mai lung decât viața lui, ale unui război-viață, lacrimi pentru copilul evreu ce nu a putut fi salvat de la deportarea bestială, lacrimi pentru Tibetul sfâșiat. Și toate acestea fără impostura unui ecumenism sentimental, ci izvorâte din acel suspin curat românesc ce face esența lacrimii creștine. (Dan Puric)
ISLAMUL SI SOARTA LUMII - Fundamentalismul islamic ca ideologie politica de Virginia Mircea "Islamul si soarta lumii - Fundamendamentalismul ca ideologie politca invita la o reflectie mai adanca asupra porceselor lumii contemporane. Judecata critica si independenta a autoarei a produs o lucrare de o veritabila investigatie stiintifica, exact la momentul in care tema tratata deseori fara solutii si perspective ocupa scena din fata a politicii si problemelor mondiale. Cititorii o pot aseza cu satisfactie in bliblioteca lor de referinta. Vor fi mult ajutati in intelegerea evenimentelor care ne sesizeaza in prezent si intr-un viitor in care tema nu se va desprinde de mersul lumii contemporane." (academician Mircea Malita)