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PSD in 2006: Geoană or nothing
Andrei STOICAIdentification of PSD with an Opposition party seemed clearer in early 2006. Last year both the Alliance and the media acted, strangely enough, as if the Social Democrats had been still in power. As ruling parties were striving to lay hands on all leading offices in most sectors (Parliament, Justice, local administration, healthcare, etc), they faced firm opposition from PSD or persons close to this party.
This induced the perception that the Alliance doesn't have a firm grip on the reins of Power (and therefore, that it may lose them any time). Leader of the PSD resistance It became evident last year that early elections could only be a solution for the political arena at most, particularly in the central administration and Parliament. For the other fields however, snap elections would have basically left the problem unsolved. On the other hand, the presence of the two PSD leaders Adrian Năstase and Nicolae Văcăroiu at the helm of the two Parliament Chambers was, in symbolic terms, a source of political legitimacy for the party's holding senior positions in the rest of the administration structure as well. Their removal was therefore critical topaving the way for large-scale changes. The failure of attempts to remove Năstase and Văcăroiu was not the only one, but the most important in a series of other under-achievements: the Local Administration Act was not amended so as to allow for modification of the majority of votes in county councils; replacement of hospital managers triggered a harsh reaction from the ones dismissed; the Justice reform faced the opposition of the Higher Magistrate Council, but also of the system as a whole; the replacement of chairpersons in the public broadcasting and radio corporations sparked a huge scandal. One of the people who slowed down the pace of change is President Traian Băsescu himself. He refused to replace the heads of intelligence services and the Prosecutor General. As a result of these failures, towards the end of 2005 a fall in opinion polls was noticed for the Alliance, concurrently with a return to the Băsescu-Năstase tension as witnessed just before the general elections in 2004. It was the moment when PSD had reasons to hope for a comeback. While he lost the PSD presidency in last year's Convention, Adrian Năstase nonetheless managed to preserve his authority within the party almost intact. After the elections, he was the leader of the PSD resistance to the Alliance's rush to replace party officials in the country. As he struggled to keep his position as Speaker of the Chamber of Deputies, he indicated that PSD was able to hold on to its position. The Alliance's failure in its attempted large-scale change validated Năstase as a leader of the PSD resistance. Which is why at the end of 2005 Năstase was an increasingly uncomfortable challenger of the new party president Mircea Geoană, and became ever more credible in his attacks against the Power. Symbol of corruption The impact that Adrian Năstase's recent wealth statement will have on the developments within (and outside) PSD is hard to assess with full accuracy at this point. One can assume however that the political and media impact will be a major one. According to Năstase, his wife's aunt left the family a fortune of approx. Euro 1 million. The media covered the issue for days, and most of the voices agreed that the story was far-fetched. In fact, they believe, the inheritance is a veiled-though already classical-form in which the former premier has tried to cover his corruption deeds. The involvement of controversial businessman Alexandru Bittner in the affair (Năstase admitted that Aunt Tamara had businesses with Bittner), raised further suspicion. Irregularities had also been noticed in the wealth statements submitted by Power officials (Traian Băsescu or Gheorghe Flutur), but the media insisted for days on the Năstase case exclusively. There are at least two circumstances which favour the over-emphasis on Adrian Năstase's wealth statement. First of all, there is the forthcoming PSD National Council gathering, where an attempt will be made to readjust the balance of power within the party. Part of PSD (including party president Mircea Geoană) has a direct interest in ousting Adrian Năstase from the leading team. Secondly, the D.A. Alliance, currently concerned more than ever before with settling the corruption issue one way or another, as it threatens to trigger a deferral of the country's EU accession, needs to find a political scapegoat. The number of rulings pronounced, or at least the number of prosecuted top-level corruption suspects is a condition imposed by the European Union, not by the Alliance. In the domestic political arena, PNL and PD need to identify symbolic cases, relevant for the corruption issue. And Adrian Năstase is a prototype in this respect. The second Romania lost the elections When one learns of Adrian Năstase's wealth statement, including the suspicious inheritance he allegedly received, the question that comes to one's mind is, what would have happened if this person had been elected President of Romania? Unquestionably, Traian Băsescu himself sold his stocks for quite too high a price, but he is far from Năstase's impressive fortune. Mention must also be made that in the past as well the former premier had been accused of being involved in various more or less dubious cases, which brought him the nickname "Năstase, four (six) houses." But this time we are talking about Euro 1 million. That's quite a lot of money. Implicitly, the consequences are more serious, and they are driven further by the current political context. Adrian Năstase's loss of image is almost a fact. He can no longer be a "symbol of resistance." On the contrary, his presence at the helm of the party validates the Alliance's action against PSD members in the public administration. His wealth statement triggers a loop back to the image of leader of the "wicked system," and makes PSD members dramatically vulnerable, after so far they have managed to hold on to their positions. They can no longer see Năstase as providing the political support they need. All through 2005 there was a major uncertainty with respect to the sense of the latest general elections. The Alliance claimed it won, PSD claims there are "two Romanias" (Adrian Năstase), and power must be divided by two. Precisely when the Alliance proved unable to take PSD out of the administration and to thus confirm that it indeed won the elections, Adrian Năstase posted his wealth statement and brought light on it all. All of a sudden, it became clear that Traian Băsescu's victory was a good thing. Năstase did not deserve to win, and the Alliance did the right thing when trying to replace him as Speaker of the Chamber. Implicitly, it was right to try to eliminate PSD from public administration as well. Upcoming turmoil Naturally, Adrian Năstase is not expected to give up his power positions in PSD (or in Parliament). But his status is seriously shattered, which will trigger fresh turmoil in the party. Some of Năstase's allies are disappointed, without doubt, and will "migrate" towards Mircea Geoană. The undetermined will also turn their eyes to the new president of PSD. Which is not to mean that the air will be cleaned very soon. Ion Iliescu seems to be playing an increasingly tricky part. The former president may forge an alliance (natural, to some extent) with Adrian Năstase against Geoană. The situation is particularly complex for PSD, as PNL and PD announced they wanted to merge. Just like the result of the 2004 elections, which led to Iliescu's losing the party presidency, this merger will step up reform moves and will thus once again strengthen Mircea Geoană's position. Two major wars have been waged in the Romanian political arena over the past 15 years: the first, against communism (or crypto-communism), the second against corruption. The icon of crypto-communism was Ion Iliescu; that of corruption, Adrian Năstase. Ion Iliescu was defeated by the very party he had created. Adrian Năstase should be overthrown by the reformists he promoted. One may say that year 2006 will be Geoană's year, or else PSD will cease to exist. by Andrei STOICA
Publicat în : English de la numărul 32
Revolutia din decembrie 89: Pacatul originar, sacrificiul fondator este prima carte dintr-o serie de sapte volume dedicate ultimelor doua decenii din istoria României. Nu am pretentia ca sunt detinatorul unui adevar politic, juridic sau istoric incontestabil, si sunt gata sa discut si sa accept orice documente, fapte sau marturii care pot lumina mai bine sau chiar altfel realitatea. Educatia mea stiintifica si religioasa m-a ajutat sa cercetez faptele în mod obiectiv, eliberat de ura sau intoleranta. Recunosc însa o anume încrâncenare în ceea ce am scris venita din durerea unui om care a trait în miezul evenimentelor si se simte lovit de acceptarea cinica a crimelor, abuzurilor, coruptiei si minciunii, sau de indiferenta la fel de cinica cu care sunt înca privite de catre o mare parte a societatii românesti.... Am scris aceste carti de pe pozitia victimelor mintite sau speriate, care nu-si cunosc sau nu-si pot apara drepturile. Le-am scris de pe pozitia milioanelor de români cinstiti care cred în adevar, în dreptate si în demnitate. Emil Constantinescu (text preluat din Introducerea cartii).
MINTEA CEA SOCOTITOARE
de academician Mircea Malita, Editura Academiei Române, 2009 În volumul de eseuri Mintea cea socotitoare, aparut la Editura Academiei Române, acad. Mircea Malita formuleaza în crescendo o serie de întrebari grave ale timpului nostru: Daca omul este rational, de ce se fac atâtea greseli în economie
sau în politica?; Daca rationalitatea nu e de ajuns, care ar fi rolul întelepciunii?; Din viitorul imprevizibil putem smulge portiuni, daca nu certe, cel putin probabile?; Ce si cum învatam pregatindu-ne pentru viitorul nostru?; Este în stare omenirea sa îsi vindece crizele?; Ne asteapta oare un dezastru final? s.a. De-a lungul anilor, acad. Mircea Malita a staruit asupra acestor teme în lucrari recunoscute, însa acum o face raportându-se la dinamica realitatii imediate, inspirat de cuvintele lui Dimitrie Cantemir: socoteala mintii mele, lumina dinlauntrul capului. Eseurile sunt structurate pe patru parti - Mintea senina, Metaforele mintii, Mintea învolburata si Privind înainte. Finalul este de un optimism lucid care tine seama de potentialul de rationalitate si imaginatie al mintii umane si, fireste, de generatiile tinere care îl pot valoriza benefic.
Această carte de poezie este seismograful de mare sensibilitate care înregistrează cele două întâlniri ale sufletului, deopotrivă cu URÂTUL care ne schilodește ca ființă, ca neam, dar și cu FRUMUSEȚEA sufletească nepoluată ce stă ca o fântână cu apă curată pe un câmp plin cu peturi și gunoaie nedegradabile. Ce poate fi mai dureros decât să surprinzi această fibră distrusă de aluviunile istorice încărcate de lașități, inerții, apatii, compromisuri devenite congenitale ale românului? Vibrația versurilor, directețea lor, simplitatea dusă până în marginea cotidianului paradoxal n-au efect distructiv asupra tonusului moral al cititorului, ci produc neliniștea cea bună, cum ar spune Sfinții Părinți. Citești în revolta și durerea poetei un mănunchi admirabil de calități: o demnitate neînfrântă, o fiziologie a verticalității și, mai ales, o inimă creștină, o inimă din ceruri, cum ar spune poetul latin. Căci, în această inimă din ceruri, există lacrimi deopotrivă pentru românul umilit, distrus până și-n visele lui, dar și pentru copilul din Gaza, cu sufletul și trupul chircite sub șenilele tancurilor unui război ce tinde să devină mai lung decât viața lui, ale unui război-viață, lacrimi pentru copilul evreu ce nu a putut fi salvat de la deportarea bestială, lacrimi pentru Tibetul sfâșiat. Și toate acestea fără impostura unui ecumenism sentimental, ci izvorâte din acel suspin curat românesc ce face esența lacrimii creștine. (Dan Puric)
ISLAMUL SI SOARTA LUMII - Fundamentalismul islamic ca ideologie politica de Virginia Mircea "Islamul si soarta lumii - Fundamendamentalismul ca ideologie politca invita la o reflectie mai adanca asupra porceselor lumii contemporane. Judecata critica si independenta a autoarei a produs o lucrare de o veritabila investigatie stiintifica, exact la momentul in care tema tratata deseori fara solutii si perspective ocupa scena din fata a politicii si problemelor mondiale. Cititorii o pot aseza cu satisfactie in bliblioteca lor de referinta. Vor fi mult ajutati in intelegerea evenimentelor care ne sesizeaza in prezent si intr-un viitor in care tema nu se va desprinde de mersul lumii contemporane." (academician Mircea Malita)