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PD, party of moral intransigence?
Radu MIHĂILEANUThe Justice and Truth Alliance won the elections in 2004 because a large part of the electorate had actually had enough of the PSD immorality. The Alliance thus relied on a "moral intransigence" message, with Traian Băsescu as its spearhead. But since PNL is rather a capricious party in this respect, the colours of moral intransigence were taken over by the Democratic Party.
The Liberals' ambiguity Although in the same team, the Liberals have always proved a fluctuating behaviour. In this respect, it is quite evident that they would have never managed to rally that part of the electorate which responded to Traian Băsescu's rhetoric. We should not overlook that days ahead of the elections, some of the Liberals were speaking about a potential PSD-PNL government, an idea which seems to have remained with them since, as there are Liberal leaders who fiddle with it if only to reduce the President and PD's blackmail capacity. But tempting as such prospects would be to the Liberals, in political terms it would be a disaster, a veritable political suicide. Jointly with PD, PNL has fuelled a certain horizon of expectation (particularly after the launch of the Stolojan/Băsescu tandem) which no longer allows for such shifts today. The same stays true for the prospective alliance with the PUR(CP) "immoral solution" which Călin Popescu Tăriceanu himself was on the verge of forging. The signals received in this respect are a very relevant indication for what would happen in the case of a relationship with PSD. For this reason, several Liberals have vehemently stood up against an alliance with PSD. In fact, the entire history of the National Liberal Party is a line of swings from "good" to "evil" and back, which hardly make it the ideal candidate for the role of the intransigence flagship. This is why PNL has always had by its side parties that took over this role. It was PNȚCD in the elections in 1996, it's PD now. How did PD get to stand in for PNȚCD PNȚCD was, primarily thanks to Corneliu Coposu's overwhelming personality, the representative of moral intransigence. A rather exotic idea in a Romania of the "soft-spot chain" in which everybody "knows somebody." The level of exasperation people had reached after six years of Socialist-Communist governance, defined by aggravated immorality, brought the coalition led by PNȚCD in power in 1996. Except that moral intransigence is a two-edged blade. Once a horizon of expectation created, it must also be met, otherwise frustration sets in, leading to the opposite extreme. PNȚCD fell victim to its own unwillingness to accept a compromise, rendering impossible the cohabitation with coalition partners (including PNL and PD) which had different interests. In fact, Traian Băsescu is said to have been the "slayer of PNȚCD," a rather propagandistic statement. PNȚCD was first and foremost the victim of its own incapacity to manage a coalition, and of an acute lack of competent people. Through the elections in 2000, PSD returns in Power and, through the manner in which it governed the country in the respective four years it once again created the need for a "moral solution." The horizon of expectation for the moral solution was thus once again activated. The Justice and Truth Alliance - through its very name - took over this horizon and attempted to meet expectations. With the CDR experience still fresh in their memory, ADA should have taken a number of minimal precautionary measures. Unfortunately, the two parties only did, in power, what they knew (didn't know?) best. Not expecting to actually win the elections, the two parties came up with a surrogate economic programme, insufficiently thought up, whose effects are becoming increasingly evident. Also, the often ill-mannered debates and the chronic incapacity of effective cooperation, enhanced by a media community suddenly free from constraints, created the image of a disastrous governance, although in fact it's not as bad as it may seem. PD - the flagship of morality The fact that PNL is falling in opinion polls whereas PD is on the rise is owing to the fact that, both in the media and in the public's eyes Băsescu remains the "knight without fear and without reproach" fighting against the "rotten system." For the time being, this perception was strengthened by the Liberals' hesitations and oscillations, who have so far endorsed the failures of the "moral programme." We are yet to see whether they will manage to preserve this image in the long run. The media have already began to dark-paint the President's image - see the President's house case, with an ambiguous ending, see the Bittner-Cocos group of interests and others. Also, the fact that - apart from belittling the Government - he has so far showed no sign of fighting against the "rotten system" or groups of interests will not go unsanctioned in the long run. For the time being, heads of secret services are still those appointed by PSD, some of Ion Iliescu's advisers are still in Cotroceni, which the media mentions every now and then, without a coherent campaign in this respect. But it could blow up at any moment. For now, the President is strong. The question is, how long will he stay so? The PNTCD example should give cold shivers to PD. After all, the higher the expectations, the more painful the fall. The latest blow, at an image level, was Minister Miclea's resignation, confirming the dual behaviour of PD, which acts in Power as if it were in the Opposition. The Education and Research Minister's resignation is implausible, as long as the budget had been previously discussed with PD leaders. It is not the first "Cotroceni-induced" resignation, aimed at undermining PNL and strengthening PD and Traian Băsescu's role of "moral reference." Before that there were Ionuț Popescu and Mona Muscă. A helping hand from PSD The Alliance's overall image - and implicitly PD's - would have depreciated a lot quicker, had PSD acted as a true Opposition party. For the time being, it seems stuck on internal scandals and unable to react other than chaotically and inefficiently. The absence of an alternative solution preserves the current state of affairs, for the moment. But the 1996-2000 mandate proved that Romanians can be cured of moral intransigence, particularly if they notice it is utterly inefficient. Ironical twist of fate Paradoxically enough, the victim today is not so much PNL, as most of the media try to convince us, but PD. As long as PNL intends to play no other role than that of "representative of the middle class," with no moral aspiration whatsoever, PD has undertaken an awkward task, for which it is not quite prepared, nor does it have all the necessary data to handle it. It has taken over all the moral intransigence aspirations of the electorate, and, unless it gives them "blood," according to the expectations the President himself has created, with his "at stake, in Victoriei Square!" it will end up by having to pay the bill for failing to meet these expectations, like PNȚCD. Nobody has moral expectations from PNL. All this party has to do is to effectively run the country. It has undertaken the economic programme, and will be held liable for all the problems related to it. In this respect, PNL is helped by favourable economic circumstances, proved by the fact that, in spite of the natural calamities, the economy still managed a five per cent growth. The problem is that moral expectations are a lot higher and a lot more difficult to meet. Many have accused Traian Băsescu of having buried PNȚCD. Now, he has cast himself in the "moral authority" part once played by Corneliu Coposu and, implicitly, he has forced PD to play the PNȚCD part. It's only up to him to make sure his party will not share the fate of the latter. by Radu MIHĂILEANU
Publicat în : English de la numărul 31
Revolutia din decembrie 89: Pacatul originar, sacrificiul fondator este prima carte dintr-o serie de sapte volume dedicate ultimelor doua decenii din istoria României. Nu am pretentia ca sunt detinatorul unui adevar politic, juridic sau istoric incontestabil, si sunt gata sa discut si sa accept orice documente, fapte sau marturii care pot lumina mai bine sau chiar altfel realitatea. Educatia mea stiintifica si religioasa m-a ajutat sa cercetez faptele în mod obiectiv, eliberat de ura sau intoleranta. Recunosc însa o anume încrâncenare în ceea ce am scris venita din durerea unui om care a trait în miezul evenimentelor si se simte lovit de acceptarea cinica a crimelor, abuzurilor, coruptiei si minciunii, sau de indiferenta la fel de cinica cu care sunt înca privite de catre o mare parte a societatii românesti.... Am scris aceste carti de pe pozitia victimelor mintite sau speriate, care nu-si cunosc sau nu-si pot apara drepturile. Le-am scris de pe pozitia milioanelor de români cinstiti care cred în adevar, în dreptate si în demnitate. Emil Constantinescu (text preluat din Introducerea cartii).
MINTEA CEA SOCOTITOARE
de academician Mircea Malita, Editura Academiei Române, 2009 În volumul de eseuri Mintea cea socotitoare, aparut la Editura Academiei Române, acad. Mircea Malita formuleaza în crescendo o serie de întrebari grave ale timpului nostru: Daca omul este rational, de ce se fac atâtea greseli în economie
sau în politica?; Daca rationalitatea nu e de ajuns, care ar fi rolul întelepciunii?; Din viitorul imprevizibil putem smulge portiuni, daca nu certe, cel putin probabile?; Ce si cum învatam pregatindu-ne pentru viitorul nostru?; Este în stare omenirea sa îsi vindece crizele?; Ne asteapta oare un dezastru final? s.a. De-a lungul anilor, acad. Mircea Malita a staruit asupra acestor teme în lucrari recunoscute, însa acum o face raportându-se la dinamica realitatii imediate, inspirat de cuvintele lui Dimitrie Cantemir: socoteala mintii mele, lumina dinlauntrul capului. Eseurile sunt structurate pe patru parti - Mintea senina, Metaforele mintii, Mintea învolburata si Privind înainte. Finalul este de un optimism lucid care tine seama de potentialul de rationalitate si imaginatie al mintii umane si, fireste, de generatiile tinere care îl pot valoriza benefic.
Această carte de poezie este seismograful de mare sensibilitate care înregistrează cele două întâlniri ale sufletului, deopotrivă cu URÂTUL care ne schilodește ca ființă, ca neam, dar și cu FRUMUSEȚEA sufletească nepoluată ce stă ca o fântână cu apă curată pe un câmp plin cu peturi și gunoaie nedegradabile. Ce poate fi mai dureros decât să surprinzi această fibră distrusă de aluviunile istorice încărcate de lașități, inerții, apatii, compromisuri devenite congenitale ale românului? Vibrația versurilor, directețea lor, simplitatea dusă până în marginea cotidianului paradoxal n-au efect distructiv asupra tonusului moral al cititorului, ci produc neliniștea cea bună, cum ar spune Sfinții Părinți. Citești în revolta și durerea poetei un mănunchi admirabil de calități: o demnitate neînfrântă, o fiziologie a verticalității și, mai ales, o inimă creștină, o inimă din ceruri, cum ar spune poetul latin. Căci, în această inimă din ceruri, există lacrimi deopotrivă pentru românul umilit, distrus până și-n visele lui, dar și pentru copilul din Gaza, cu sufletul și trupul chircite sub șenilele tancurilor unui război ce tinde să devină mai lung decât viața lui, ale unui război-viață, lacrimi pentru copilul evreu ce nu a putut fi salvat de la deportarea bestială, lacrimi pentru Tibetul sfâșiat. Și toate acestea fără impostura unui ecumenism sentimental, ci izvorâte din acel suspin curat românesc ce face esența lacrimii creștine. (Dan Puric)
ISLAMUL SI SOARTA LUMII - Fundamentalismul islamic ca ideologie politica de Virginia Mircea "Islamul si soarta lumii - Fundamendamentalismul ca ideologie politca invita la o reflectie mai adanca asupra porceselor lumii contemporane. Judecata critica si independenta a autoarei a produs o lucrare de o veritabila investigatie stiintifica, exact la momentul in care tema tratata deseori fara solutii si perspective ocupa scena din fata a politicii si problemelor mondiale. Cititorii o pot aseza cu satisfactie in bliblioteca lor de referinta. Vor fi mult ajutati in intelegerea evenimentelor care ne sesizeaza in prezent si intr-un viitor in care tema nu se va desprinde de mersul lumii contemporane." (academician Mircea Malita)