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This autumn, roses look more withered than ever
Ada MESEŞANThe ruling party, PSD, is one step away from reiterating in November 2004 the electoral failure reported in the local elections this June. Its main opponent, the "Justice and Truth" PNL-PD Alliance (D.A. Alliance), a right-of-centre organisation, has proved - it's true, only this year - that it is capable of answering the voters' expectations: raising living standards to a decent level, economic and political stability, and, most importantly, limiting the all-encompassing corruption generated by the social-democrats created by Ion Iliescu and for the moment headed by Adrian Năstase. The most recent attempt by the PSD leaders to counteract the imminent political decline took the form of an electoral trick which, ironically enough, deepened the crisis that the ruling party is going through after having lost the local elections: establishing a political alliance with a tiny little party, the Romanian Humanist Party (PUR), whose only advantage is that it owns a strong media holding. This is how the PSD+PUR National Union was born, to fight with the D.A. Alliance over Romanians' votes in November.
Băsescu sees the cross at PSD-PUR alliance's tomb "The PSD plus PUR National Union", as the Premier, PSD president and the Union's candidate in the presidential elections Adrian Năstase likes to call it, was quickly mocked by the Democrat Party leader Traian Băsescu, the D.A. Alliance's spearhead, who dubbed it the "PSD cross PUR Union". Traian Băsescu proved anticipation skills, as the PSD+PUR was born dead. The ruling party seems not to be able to overcome the crisis which affected all its members at all levels, after losing the local elections. Shortly after the electoral failure of June 2004, Ion Iliescu, Head of State but also "brain father" of the party, called an emergency meeting in Cotroceni with the PSD central leaders, whom he knocked speechless with his extremely harsh criticism and accusations: "I have given you a strong party, I have brought you to power in 2000, and you went and destroyed all I left you." Tough words then came out of the presidential mouth: "you corrupt, time-servers, vile," etc. The arrogant head of part and Government Adrian Năstase himself did not escape the rage of the PSD dad. Ion Iliescu's reprimand was not related to the poor living standard to which he brought the Romanian population with his Government, but to the negative image, of a "party of the corrupt" that the Social Democrat Party got imbued in over the past 4 years. Pale with resentment, Adrian Năstase locked himself in the PM office and threatened Ion Iliescu and PSD, via middlemen, that he would resign as Prime Minister. After three days of sighing, comforted by his wife, Dana, and by Ion Iliescu's lieutenants in PSD, Octav Cozmâncă and Nicolae Văcăroiu, Adrian Năstase gave up his self-seclusion and bravely told the party: "I will not resign. I think I'll even run in the Presidentials in 2004." The courageous Premier needed another 2 months of play until he eventually managed to tell the public opinion about his intention to take part in the elections for the highest office in the State. Not before dissolving, with the secret consent of the PSD heavyweights, the party's central leading structure and installing a new team, made up of people with poor professional and political performances, yet fully obedient to him. Thus, Adrian Năstase, the one who planned, ever since taking over the power in the party and in the country in 2001, to replace Ion Iliescu as the main driving force of PSD, turned into a soap opera character, overwhelmed by superficial emotion and the captive of central and local PSD barons. With such "performances" in the past 5 months of Adrian Năstase-led PSD, the party's crisis just weeks before the parliamentary and presidential elections is only natural. No more lying to the people on TV PSD proved, in the four years of governance, its outstanding skills in image creation. Close to all specialists in the field, plus analysts, journalists, sociologists were absorbed by the PSD central leading bodies, which paid for their services, more or less legally, with money from the public budgets. This specialised image-creating arm for four years has been seeking to induce to the public, by controlling most of the media, the idea that PSD and the Government are doing their best to meet Romanians' needs. In exchange PSD and the Government have done their best to ensure, for themselves and their heirs, for quite a few generations from now on, a Bill Gates standard of living. Power officials chose to live in an imaginary Romania, a rich country parallel to the one in which the average whole economy salary is approx. EUR 130, and the 6 million pensioners are subject to a genocide worthy of totalitarian regimes. As Romanians' poverty rates were going up, PSD leaders were convinced the population loves them and is willing to vote for them in 2004 as well. Embarrassingly obedient TV stations suffocated all shows, even the ones for children, with inspiring images of the deeds done by the rulers while in official visits abroad or in the country. Entertainment shows got to be broadcast from Adrian Năstase's villas, and, willing or not, the whole people had to watch how his kids sing and dance or what his wife Dana's cooking preferences are. On TV, Adrian Năstase, Ion Iliescu and PSD's Romania was glittering with wellbeing more than the casinos in Las Vegas. Down in the street, the real Romania got full of pensioners who, humbly leaning against store doors, were begging for change to buy a loaf of bread, of higher education graduates without a job, of people angry that they could no longer cope with the wave of price rises. So that the negative vote which hit the ruling party in the local elections, jointly with the chaos which seized the PSD top level, brought Adrian Năstase's social-democrats, in the second half of the year, on the verge of implosion. Năstase and Cozmâncă stole their own party "What should we do?" party leaders asked their image advisers, paid handsomely by the Romanian taxpayer. "PSD image reconstruction through shock wave: primary elections in the party, to draw up parliamentary lists" the electoral strategists proposed. The method, deeply democratic, was compromised in practice by the local and central barons of the party, who had co-ordinated the primaries. This is how PSD dignitaries made it into history books for the second time. Once, for the way they managed to steal a country, and secondly, for managing to steal their own hats, by faking their own primary elections. Far from easing the chaos away, the new PSD leadership only managed to add to it. Dozens of Parliamentariansand hundreds of PSD members enrolled for the primaries told the press, and implicitly the public how the local elections were subject to fraud pulled by prefects and underprefects, Governmental dignitaries who should have ensured that the law is complied with in the country, and how the lists were forged in the party's headquarters in Baneasa by Adrian Năstase and Octav Cozmâncă, who have thus proved their contempt as to the vote of their own party members. In the light of the said events occurring during the PSD primaries, the Government's frauds in the national referendum on the Constitution in November is by no means a surprise. Furthermore, the domestic, but also the foreign public opinion have started to grant more credibility to accusations coming from the D.A. Alliance leaders Traian Băsescu and Theodor Stolojan, referring to the imminent fraud prepared by PSD for the parliamentary and presidential elections this autumn. Exchange parliamentary seats for national TV station. Negotiable. September 2004. The PSD leadership, facing the opposition inside de the party and aware of the strength of the D.A. Alliance, whose reins are firmly controlled by Traian Băsescu, backed by Theodor Stolojan, decides to copy, at an image level, the Liberals and Democrats' success model and invite the miniature PUR party to establish a Union together. A National one! The reason put forth by PSD's electoral strategists: the party was isolated in the political arena, caught inbetween the D.A. Alliance - with growing chances of reiterating the success of the local elections - and PRM, a slumbering nationalist party whose leader, C.V.Tudor, proved to be, in the general elections in 2000, a collector of the votes cast by the lowly educated, poor and disgruntled. The actual reason which pushed the PSD leaders to take this decision: the need to have available a powerful media holding to promote the party and Adrian Năstase's image. PUR is headed by businessman Dan Voiculescu, who, apart from other large-scale businesses, owns a high rating national TV station, Antena 1, a national daily, "Jurnalul Național" and a radio station. Moreover, in the local elections in June, Romeo Stavarache, the PUR candidate for the
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Revolutia din decembrie 89: Pacatul originar, sacrificiul fondator este prima carte dintr-o serie de sapte volume dedicate ultimelor doua decenii din istoria României. Nu am pretentia ca sunt detinatorul unui adevar politic, juridic sau istoric incontestabil, si sunt gata sa discut si sa accept orice documente, fapte sau marturii care pot lumina mai bine sau chiar altfel realitatea. Educatia mea stiintifica si religioasa m-a ajutat sa cercetez faptele în mod obiectiv, eliberat de ura sau intoleranta. Recunosc însa o anume încrâncenare în ceea ce am scris venita din durerea unui om care a trait în miezul evenimentelor si se simte lovit de acceptarea cinica a crimelor, abuzurilor, coruptiei si minciunii, sau de indiferenta la fel de cinica cu care sunt înca privite de catre o mare parte a societatii românesti.... Am scris aceste carti de pe pozitia victimelor mintite sau speriate, care nu-si cunosc sau nu-si pot apara drepturile. Le-am scris de pe pozitia milioanelor de români cinstiti care cred în adevar, în dreptate si în demnitate. Emil Constantinescu (text preluat din Introducerea cartii).
MINTEA CEA SOCOTITOARE
de academician Mircea Malita, Editura Academiei Române, 2009 În volumul de eseuri Mintea cea socotitoare, aparut la Editura Academiei Române, acad. Mircea Malita formuleaza în crescendo o serie de întrebari grave ale timpului nostru: Daca omul este rational, de ce se fac atâtea greseli în economie
sau în politica?; Daca rationalitatea nu e de ajuns, care ar fi rolul întelepciunii?; Din viitorul imprevizibil putem smulge portiuni, daca nu certe, cel putin probabile?; Ce si cum învatam pregatindu-ne pentru viitorul nostru?; Este în stare omenirea sa îsi vindece crizele?; Ne asteapta oare un dezastru final? s.a. De-a lungul anilor, acad. Mircea Malita a staruit asupra acestor teme în lucrari recunoscute, însa acum o face raportându-se la dinamica realitatii imediate, inspirat de cuvintele lui Dimitrie Cantemir: socoteala mintii mele, lumina dinlauntrul capului. Eseurile sunt structurate pe patru parti - Mintea senina, Metaforele mintii, Mintea învolburata si Privind înainte. Finalul este de un optimism lucid care tine seama de potentialul de rationalitate si imaginatie al mintii umane si, fireste, de generatiile tinere care îl pot valoriza benefic.
Această carte de poezie este seismograful de mare sensibilitate care înregistrează cele două întâlniri ale sufletului, deopotrivă cu URÂTUL care ne schilodește ca ființă, ca neam, dar și cu FRUMUSEȚEA sufletească nepoluată ce stă ca o fântână cu apă curată pe un câmp plin cu peturi și gunoaie nedegradabile. Ce poate fi mai dureros decât să surprinzi această fibră distrusă de aluviunile istorice încărcate de lașități, inerții, apatii, compromisuri devenite congenitale ale românului? Vibrația versurilor, directețea lor, simplitatea dusă până în marginea cotidianului paradoxal n-au efect distructiv asupra tonusului moral al cititorului, ci produc neliniștea cea bună, cum ar spune Sfinții Părinți. Citești în revolta și durerea poetei un mănunchi admirabil de calități: o demnitate neînfrântă, o fiziologie a verticalității și, mai ales, o inimă creștină, o inimă din ceruri, cum ar spune poetul latin. Căci, în această inimă din ceruri, există lacrimi deopotrivă pentru românul umilit, distrus până și-n visele lui, dar și pentru copilul din Gaza, cu sufletul și trupul chircite sub șenilele tancurilor unui război ce tinde să devină mai lung decât viața lui, ale unui război-viață, lacrimi pentru copilul evreu ce nu a putut fi salvat de la deportarea bestială, lacrimi pentru Tibetul sfâșiat. Și toate acestea fără impostura unui ecumenism sentimental, ci izvorâte din acel suspin curat românesc ce face esența lacrimii creștine. (Dan Puric)
ISLAMUL SI SOARTA LUMII - Fundamentalismul islamic ca ideologie politica de Virginia Mircea "Islamul si soarta lumii - Fundamendamentalismul ca ideologie politca invita la o reflectie mai adanca asupra porceselor lumii contemporane. Judecata critica si independenta a autoarei a produs o lucrare de o veritabila investigatie stiintifica, exact la momentul in care tema tratata deseori fara solutii si perspective ocupa scena din fata a politicii si problemelor mondiale. Cititorii o pot aseza cu satisfactie in bliblioteca lor de referinta. Vor fi mult ajutati in intelegerea evenimentelor care ne sesizeaza in prezent si intr-un viitor in care tema nu se va desprinde de mersul lumii contemporane." (academician Mircea Malita)