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After failure in the locals, PSD in intensive care
Arthur SUCIUThe local elections lessened PSD's status as the quasi-dominant party in the Romanian political arena. First time in four years, a true political alternative was established (the D.A. Alliance, made up of PNL - the National Liberal Party and PD - the Democrat party). PSD is losing ground in polls, the latest of which shows - a novelty in the 19th Century - that the Alliance moved up to the first position in the electorate's vote intentions. All these made PSD take emergency measures to rebrand and relaunch the party in view of the coming parliamentary and presidential elections.
Elections' X-ray diagnosis: PSD, a diseased party The vote in the locals X-rayed the Romanian political arena, and PSD found it was a "diseased" party. The first sign of disease awareness was given by party leader Adrian Năstase, with a laconic, yet finally clear statement: "We have a problem." Others, more or less important party officials, came and said the same. PSD staff all of a sudden started to speak about it, each identifying a different diagnosis and recommending a different healing method. Voices were, naturally, evincing the subjective stand of the various sides inside PSD, each right in its own way, and wrong according to the others' view. After fierce controversies, tale-telling for the serious crisis the party was going through, Adrian Năstase asked that those who got poor scores in the local elections submit their resignations. The moment had been prefaced by the tremendous tension between party executive president Octav Cozmâncă and local branch leaders, as the latter were not willing to give up their positions and the former threatened they will be discharged unless they resign. Consequently to Năstase's order, resignations started to pour, so that eventually the one who had insisted for it, Octav Cozmâncă himself, had to step in. He stated that a "sufficient" number of resignations had been collected, and urged local branches to end personnel shifts. It would all have come to an end with the local branches taking responsibility for elections results, had it not been for the rolling of heads at top central structures. Important party names had to fall, further to the responsibility taking order: Dan Ioan Popescu, Doru Ioan Tărăcilă, Viorel Hrebenciuc etc.. Other senior officials kept their positions, yet after seeing it seriously threatened. Their responsibilities in the activity of branches had not been clearly defined, and in certain cases it was the central leading structure rather than the local leaders that were to blame. In Bucharest, Dan Ioan Popescu was forced to resign, although the party had got better scores than back in 2000. A similar case was reported in Bacău, where Viorel Hrebenciuc won across the county, except for the capital city. PSD Brașov reported a special situation. Its leader, Constantin Niță, saw his position threatened for having lost the elections, although PSD had never before won in Brașov. It was the popularity the ruling party rather than the county branch, enjoyed with the locals that dropped, on account of the reform measures taken by the Government (closing down or privatising several major industrial complexes in the region). Party heavyweights felt the pressure on their heads, although they were not accountable for the result of elections. Some gave in, others would not, and they were probably right not to yield. From the branches, the tension percolated up to the central leaders, and from here to Adrian Năstase, the one who discharged all the negative energy in the relationship with Ion Iliescu. Diagnosis: unreformed party The crisis between the former and the incumbent PSD presidents led, for the first time in the last 4 years, to a Governmental crisis. The fact that this crisis has never been officially acknowledged does not mean it didn't exist. During those days, rumours had it that Adrian Năstase "played a tough game", yet one can hardly say this now. The one to play it high was Ion Iliescu. He tried, while at an obvious disadvantage, to impose his own view in the party. It was very clear that PSD's underperformance in the elections was triggered by its insufficient reforming. And reform had been deferred by Iliescu's people themselves. He pointed an accusing finger to the corruption inside the party headed by Năstase, yet Iliescu's cronies might just as well be accused of corruption. The PSD insufficient reforming was in fact the reason for the party's losing important points in the elections. And Iliescu would not admit it, which drove Adrian Năstase to submit his resignation. Only at this moment can we say that Năstase "played it tough". Faced with this move of the head of Government, Iliescu could do nothing but give in. which brought the end of the election crisis in PSD. Prescription: shock therapy As in any disease, the diagnosis and cure are a matter of personal choice, to a certain extent. In the end, only time will tell whether it was the right choice. While for four years PSD repressed any idea of reform, now this idea surfaced and is "working", but the "old elements" are being suppressed instead. After the "deal" with President Iliescu, Adrian Năstase suspended the Standing Delegation, which he replaced with a Steering Bureau. This was no new method, it had been used in the past as well. Unable to replace Mitrea and Hrebenciuc, Năstase concocted positions for his own people. The "reform" actually consisted in a strange overlapping of attributions of two parallel bodies, of which the one complying with party regulations remains for the time being suspended. In order to gain lawfulness, members of the current Steering Bureau need to be accepted in the Central Executive Bureau, which can be achieved, during the National Council, upon approval of the old Standing Delegation members. Also, in order to become the leading structure of the party, the same Steering Bureau members need to be assigned top leadership positions, a decision to be approved by the Executive Bureau, again including the Standing Delegation members.It is very likely that, by the Special Congress due on August 27, new problems will emerge between the "old" and the "new", and the party relaunch will be replaced by a political settling of accounts as Romania has seen before. Already, as far as the primary elections go - another controversial procedure designed to help accomplish the party reform - quite a number of voices were raised against the removal of older officials from the lists. Fresh repression Many have noticed that in the elections for the
Publicat în : English de la numărul 18
Revolutia din decembrie 89: Pacatul originar, sacrificiul fondator este prima carte dintr-o serie de sapte volume dedicate ultimelor doua decenii din istoria României. Nu am pretentia ca sunt detinatorul unui adevar politic, juridic sau istoric incontestabil, si sunt gata sa discut si sa accept orice documente, fapte sau marturii care pot lumina mai bine sau chiar altfel realitatea. Educatia mea stiintifica si religioasa m-a ajutat sa cercetez faptele în mod obiectiv, eliberat de ura sau intoleranta. Recunosc însa o anume încrâncenare în ceea ce am scris venita din durerea unui om care a trait în miezul evenimentelor si se simte lovit de acceptarea cinica a crimelor, abuzurilor, coruptiei si minciunii, sau de indiferenta la fel de cinica cu care sunt înca privite de catre o mare parte a societatii românesti.... Am scris aceste carti de pe pozitia victimelor mintite sau speriate, care nu-si cunosc sau nu-si pot apara drepturile. Le-am scris de pe pozitia milioanelor de români cinstiti care cred în adevar, în dreptate si în demnitate. Emil Constantinescu (text preluat din Introducerea cartii).
MINTEA CEA SOCOTITOARE
de academician Mircea Malita, Editura Academiei Române, 2009 În volumul de eseuri Mintea cea socotitoare, aparut la Editura Academiei Române, acad. Mircea Malita formuleaza în crescendo o serie de întrebari grave ale timpului nostru: Daca omul este rational, de ce se fac atâtea greseli în economie
sau în politica?; Daca rationalitatea nu e de ajuns, care ar fi rolul întelepciunii?; Din viitorul imprevizibil putem smulge portiuni, daca nu certe, cel putin probabile?; Ce si cum învatam pregatindu-ne pentru viitorul nostru?; Este în stare omenirea sa îsi vindece crizele?; Ne asteapta oare un dezastru final? s.a. De-a lungul anilor, acad. Mircea Malita a staruit asupra acestor teme în lucrari recunoscute, însa acum o face raportându-se la dinamica realitatii imediate, inspirat de cuvintele lui Dimitrie Cantemir: socoteala mintii mele, lumina dinlauntrul capului. Eseurile sunt structurate pe patru parti - Mintea senina, Metaforele mintii, Mintea învolburata si Privind înainte. Finalul este de un optimism lucid care tine seama de potentialul de rationalitate si imaginatie al mintii umane si, fireste, de generatiile tinere care îl pot valoriza benefic.
Această carte de poezie este seismograful de mare sensibilitate care înregistrează cele două întâlniri ale sufletului, deopotrivă cu URÂTUL care ne schilodește ca ființă, ca neam, dar și cu FRUMUSEȚEA sufletească nepoluată ce stă ca o fântână cu apă curată pe un câmp plin cu peturi și gunoaie nedegradabile. Ce poate fi mai dureros decât să surprinzi această fibră distrusă de aluviunile istorice încărcate de lașități, inerții, apatii, compromisuri devenite congenitale ale românului? Vibrația versurilor, directețea lor, simplitatea dusă până în marginea cotidianului paradoxal n-au efect distructiv asupra tonusului moral al cititorului, ci produc neliniștea cea bună, cum ar spune Sfinții Părinți. Citești în revolta și durerea poetei un mănunchi admirabil de calități: o demnitate neînfrântă, o fiziologie a verticalității și, mai ales, o inimă creștină, o inimă din ceruri, cum ar spune poetul latin. Căci, în această inimă din ceruri, există lacrimi deopotrivă pentru românul umilit, distrus până și-n visele lui, dar și pentru copilul din Gaza, cu sufletul și trupul chircite sub șenilele tancurilor unui război ce tinde să devină mai lung decât viața lui, ale unui război-viață, lacrimi pentru copilul evreu ce nu a putut fi salvat de la deportarea bestială, lacrimi pentru Tibetul sfâșiat. Și toate acestea fără impostura unui ecumenism sentimental, ci izvorâte din acel suspin curat românesc ce face esența lacrimii creștine. (Dan Puric)
ISLAMUL SI SOARTA LUMII - Fundamentalismul islamic ca ideologie politica de Virginia Mircea "Islamul si soarta lumii - Fundamendamentalismul ca ideologie politca invita la o reflectie mai adanca asupra porceselor lumii contemporane. Judecata critica si independenta a autoarei a produs o lucrare de o veritabila investigatie stiintifica, exact la momentul in care tema tratata deseori fara solutii si perspective ocupa scena din fata a politicii si problemelor mondiale. Cititorii o pot aseza cu satisfactie in bliblioteca lor de referinta. Vor fi mult ajutati in intelegerea evenimentelor care ne sesizeaza in prezent si intr-un viitor in care tema nu se va desprinde de mersul lumii contemporane." (academician Mircea Malita)