Numerele anterioare2, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71,
"The Local Barrons" & Corruption outran PSD in the elections
Arthur SUCIUThe Social Democrat Party is set to lose the general elections this autumn, after the mediocre performance in the local elections. The results of these elections are not revealing enough to prove to what extent this performance was poor.In assessing the final result, one must take into account a series of variables. On election date, PSD was controlling most of the power levers, at a central and local scale. On election date, PSD was controlling most of the central and local mass media. On election date, PSD had available the highest funds for the electoral campaign. This significant advantage should have lead to a significant lead in ballot options, which was not the case. This is why, more than the election results, it is the comparison between the PSD before June 6 and the PSD after June 6 which proves that this party has lost.
Paradigm shift In the local elections in June 2004, PSD won about 3 million votes, one million less (i.e. one quarter) than in the general elections in November 2000. The incumbent ruling party won, as compared to the previous ballot, 620 communes more, yet it lost 10 towns, of which 6 county capitals. PSD lost Bucharest, Cluj and the Moldavia stronghold, without recovering any ground in Ardeal or Banat-. Unlike the situation before the elections, PSD's political and media quasi-monopoly has ceased to exist. The PNL - PD Alliance asserted itself as a political force at least equal to PSD, with the additional benefit of an image advantage, in the context of the coming general elections. Whereas, prior to June 6, the political interpretation paradigm was imposed by PSD, it is now competing, to say the least, with the Alliance's paradigm. Election results proved PSD's interpretation paradigm was rather euphoric, constantly overlooking relevant elements of the reality, and consequently offering an incomplete image of what was going on around us. Something else than propaganda Nobody - or close to nobody - did foresee these results, although there were enough signals that something might come up. The PSD propaganda stood strong, in spite of increasingly vehement attacks by the Opposition. The elections' result was a surprise: for PSD, for the Alliance, for the analysts. Probably, in all calculations regarding the elections, the electors' judgement capacity was insufficiently taken into account. In this respect, this was a nice surprise. Finally, here is an electorate who actually chooses, not particularly knowingly, but at least chooses something else than the propaganda tells them to. A campaign of great achievements The content of PSD messages sent by governmental and party sources and "correctly" interpreted by the pro-PSD mass media was built in such a manner that it failed to reach its target group. Such messages would praise the Năstase Government's achievements, in the context of local elections, in other words they were too general. The governmental achievements were not actually an electoral campaign theme. On the one hand, Romania's accession to NATO was no argument for the election of, let's say, the Mayor of Bacău; on the other hand, the D.A. Alliance did not attack the Government on grounds of its governance failures. It may sound strange, but the Alliance did not specifically target the failures of the current governance. "Itemised," "concrete" accomplishments, presented to voters at a local level, were little taken into account, either because they were not substantial enough, or because they were overshadowed by other facts, which the voters saw as very serious, and therefore more important. For these reasons, the comparison drawn by PSD between its achievements and the "disaster" of the former Democratic Convention - CDR - governance (the main ideological argument) was itself irrelevant. The voters did not see the Alliance as a new CDR, and very likely those who voted for PD and PNL took into account precisely the fact that they were an alliance. The comparison was not between PSD achievements - CDR disaster, but too much power for PSD - too little for PNL and PD. The concept of State-party, which the Opposition used for describing PSD indeed has nothing to do with the political science. Strictly scientifically speaking, PSD was not a State-party. Nonetheless, the concept was successful, it worked as a stamp overlapping the PSD logo, because there was some truth in this concept. On the other hand, voters perceived the "State-party's" disregard of the powerless Opposition as a negative thing. Corruption and arrogance The central theme of the elections was imposed by the Alliance and this theme was: corruption. Corruption was attached, naturally, to representatives of the ruling party and it thus turned into a political theme. Corruption is the one that triggers the social polarisation (a word so dear to Ion Iliescu), that is: some, few of them, are very rich, and others, most of them, are very poor. The few and corrupted should not be looked for in other place than at Power, hence the conclusion that they can be found in PSD. They are, on the one hand, the "local barons" and on the other hand the central leaders of the party. These few and corrupted do not represent the people, they are, on the contrary, far from the people, hence the "arrogance" (the "pathos of distance"). And the most "arrogant" of them all is the very PSD chairman and Premier, Adrian Năstase. Unlike the theme of achievements, the corruption theme was welcome by the voters and turned into the central theme of elections. The example of Bacau is very relevant in this respect. Dumitru Sechelariu lost the elections although Bacău was, according to Viorel Hrebenciuc's statements, "the cleanest city in the country". Whatever Sechelariu had done, all the "achievements," had no importance compared to his "arrogance" - which made him name the municipal stadium after himself. From beer and sausages to "governmental alms" PSD's poor management of this topic is well known. For a long time, PSD had denied the existence of "local barons." They were an invention of the media. Measures taken against some of them - Mischie, Bebe Ivanovici, Vanghelie - were tardy and not convincing. Moreover, after the results in Bucharest, Vanghelie's return to PSD became probable, whereas after other results (in Vrancea or Constanța) a new concept was concocted, the "positive baron." PSD did nothing to build an adequate image for its leaders, so that these leaders appear very far from the spirit and values of social democracy. Social protection measures were turned into some sort of "governmental alms" in which instead of beer and sausages, the poor are given away computers (for pupils), milk and cookies or money for agriculture works. Such measures reveal the pure electoral intention as well as the "arrogance" which tries to buy votes not with private money, as Sechelariu did, but, a lot more serious, with public money. Instead of approaching the issue of corruption will all seriousness, including through remarks against the Opposition's "barons," PSD would rather stick to presenting its own "achievements." "Settling the accounts" Beyond the important and tale-telling losses of votes and mayor offices, PSD also lost, in political terms, the chance of becoming the only social-democrat party in the political arena. The failure is accounted for by an obvious conceptual misunderstanding, evident throughout the mandate, but in particular in the electoral campaign for the
Publicat în : English de la numărul 16
Revolutia din decembrie 89: Pacatul originar, sacrificiul fondator este prima carte dintr-o serie de sapte volume dedicate ultimelor doua decenii din istoria României. Nu am pretentia ca sunt detinatorul unui adevar politic, juridic sau istoric incontestabil, si sunt gata sa discut si sa accept orice documente, fapte sau marturii care pot lumina mai bine sau chiar altfel realitatea. Educatia mea stiintifica si religioasa m-a ajutat sa cercetez faptele în mod obiectiv, eliberat de ura sau intoleranta. Recunosc însa o anume încrâncenare în ceea ce am scris venita din durerea unui om care a trait în miezul evenimentelor si se simte lovit de acceptarea cinica a crimelor, abuzurilor, coruptiei si minciunii, sau de indiferenta la fel de cinica cu care sunt înca privite de catre o mare parte a societatii românesti.... Am scris aceste carti de pe pozitia victimelor mintite sau speriate, care nu-si cunosc sau nu-si pot apara drepturile. Le-am scris de pe pozitia milioanelor de români cinstiti care cred în adevar, în dreptate si în demnitate. Emil Constantinescu (text preluat din Introducerea cartii).
MINTEA CEA SOCOTITOARE
de academician Mircea Malita, Editura Academiei Române, 2009 În volumul de eseuri Mintea cea socotitoare, aparut la Editura Academiei Române, acad. Mircea Malita formuleaza în crescendo o serie de întrebari grave ale timpului nostru: Daca omul este rational, de ce se fac atâtea greseli în economie
sau în politica?; Daca rationalitatea nu e de ajuns, care ar fi rolul întelepciunii?; Din viitorul imprevizibil putem smulge portiuni, daca nu certe, cel putin probabile?; Ce si cum învatam pregatindu-ne pentru viitorul nostru?; Este în stare omenirea sa îsi vindece crizele?; Ne asteapta oare un dezastru final? s.a. De-a lungul anilor, acad. Mircea Malita a staruit asupra acestor teme în lucrari recunoscute, însa acum o face raportându-se la dinamica realitatii imediate, inspirat de cuvintele lui Dimitrie Cantemir: socoteala mintii mele, lumina dinlauntrul capului. Eseurile sunt structurate pe patru parti - Mintea senina, Metaforele mintii, Mintea învolburata si Privind înainte. Finalul este de un optimism lucid care tine seama de potentialul de rationalitate si imaginatie al mintii umane si, fireste, de generatiile tinere care îl pot valoriza benefic.
Această carte de poezie este seismograful de mare sensibilitate care înregistrează cele două întâlniri ale sufletului, deopotrivă cu URÂTUL care ne schilodește ca ființă, ca neam, dar și cu FRUMUSEȚEA sufletească nepoluată ce stă ca o fântână cu apă curată pe un câmp plin cu peturi și gunoaie nedegradabile. Ce poate fi mai dureros decât să surprinzi această fibră distrusă de aluviunile istorice încărcate de lașități, inerții, apatii, compromisuri devenite congenitale ale românului? Vibrația versurilor, directețea lor, simplitatea dusă până în marginea cotidianului paradoxal n-au efect distructiv asupra tonusului moral al cititorului, ci produc neliniștea cea bună, cum ar spune Sfinții Părinți. Citești în revolta și durerea poetei un mănunchi admirabil de calități: o demnitate neînfrântă, o fiziologie a verticalității și, mai ales, o inimă creștină, o inimă din ceruri, cum ar spune poetul latin. Căci, în această inimă din ceruri, există lacrimi deopotrivă pentru românul umilit, distrus până și-n visele lui, dar și pentru copilul din Gaza, cu sufletul și trupul chircite sub șenilele tancurilor unui război ce tinde să devină mai lung decât viața lui, ale unui război-viață, lacrimi pentru copilul evreu ce nu a putut fi salvat de la deportarea bestială, lacrimi pentru Tibetul sfâșiat. Și toate acestea fără impostura unui ecumenism sentimental, ci izvorâte din acel suspin curat românesc ce face esența lacrimii creștine. (Dan Puric)
ISLAMUL SI SOARTA LUMII - Fundamentalismul islamic ca ideologie politica de Virginia Mircea "Islamul si soarta lumii - Fundamendamentalismul ca ideologie politca invita la o reflectie mai adanca asupra porceselor lumii contemporane. Judecata critica si independenta a autoarei a produs o lucrare de o veritabila investigatie stiintifica, exact la momentul in care tema tratata deseori fara solutii si perspective ocupa scena din fata a politicii si problemelor mondiale. Cititorii o pot aseza cu satisfactie in bliblioteca lor de referinta. Vor fi mult ajutati in intelegerea evenimentelor care ne sesizeaza in prezent si intr-un viitor in care tema nu se va desprinde de mersul lumii contemporane." (academician Mircea Malita)